I started to like Kris again aaaa, he looked so cute today and made me happy
Ca pika shiu rane mbi qelq.
Per ty une befas ndjeva mall.
Jetojme te dy ne nje qytet,
Dhe rralle shihemi sa rralle.
Edhe m’u duk pak e çuditshme
Si erdh kjo vjeshte, ky mengjes.
Qiejt e ngrysur pa lejleke
Dhe shirat pa ylber ne mes.
Dhe thenia e vjeter e Heraklitit
Seç m’u kujtua sot per dreq:
“Te zgjuarit jane bashke ne bote,
Kurse te fjeturit jane veç”.
Ne ç’enderr kemi rene kaq keq,
Qe dot s’po zgjohemi valle?…
Ca pika shiu rane mbi qelq
Dhe une per ty seç ndjeva mall
fuck SMent, I’m not even a fan of snsd but I still feel hurt
*skypes u but doesn’t talk bc i dont want my family hearing*
I crave intimacy but I get confused and uncomfortable when I’m shown even the slightest bit of attention or affection.
Vogue Turkey July 2014 - Esther Heesch by Emre Unal *edit
This part hit home, Jackson seem sincere and the fact GukJoo assumes that Jackson is joking says a lot. Jackson played with her and hugged her. If I’m not mistaken SeHo said something about GukJoo’s weight. I would have said the same too to Jackson. Guys use to bully me about my appearance. Jackson is the youngest in the house and is cute (Let’s be real he not ugly.) so to her it’s a joke because she is probably more use to guys like SeHo than Jackson.
Jackson seem sincere so that says a lot about him. He could of easily said Joon because they connected easily. Yet he picked her. I know Jackson play too much and is very silly but he does seem like the type to be serious when need be.
During their introductions in the living room you could see him holding her elbow or cling to her arm like Jackson is 100% here for her and I love it
this is why you cant say that nicki is not a feminist
Hong Kong’s unprecedented protests & police crackdown, explained
September 29, 2014
Protest marches and vigils are fairly common in Hong Kong, but what began on Friday and escalated dramatically on Sunday is unprecedented. Mass acts of civil disobedience were met by a shocking and swift police response, which has led to clashes in the streets and popular outrage so great that analysts can only guess at what will happen next.
What’s going on in Hong Kong right now is a very big deal, and for reasons that go way beyond just this weekend’s protests. Hong Kong’s citizens are protesting to keep their promised democratic rights, which they worry — with good reason — could be taken away by the central Chinese government in Beijing. This moment is a sort of standoff between Hong Kong and China over the city’s future, a confrontation that they have been building toward for almost 20 years.
On Wednesday, student groups led peaceful marches to protest China’s new plan for Hong Kong’s 2017 election, which looked like China reneging on its promise to grant the autonomous region full democracy (see the next section for what that plan was such a big deal). Protest marches are pretty common in Hong Kong so it didn’t seem so unusual at first.
Things started escalating on Friday. Members of a protest group called Occupy Central (Central is the name of Hong Kong’s downtown district) had planned to launch a “civil disobedience” campaign on October 1, a national holiday celebrating communist China’s founding. But as the already-ongoing protesters escalated they decided to go for it now. On Friday, protesters peacefully occupied the forecourt (a courtyard-style open area in front of an office building) of Hong Kong’s city government headquarters along with other downtown areas.
The really important thing is what happened next: Hong Kong’s police cracked down with surprising force, fighting in the streets with protesters and eventually emerging with guns that, while likely filled with rubber bullets, look awfully militaristic. In response, outraged Hong Kong residents flooded into the streets to join the protesters, and on Sunday police blanketed Central with tear gas, which has been seen as a shocking and outrageous escalation. The Chinese central government issued a statement endorsing the police actions, as did Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing chief executive, a tacit signal that Beijing wishes for the protests to be cleared.
You have to remember that this is Hong Kong: an affluent and orderly place that prides itself on its civility and its freedom. Hong Kongers have a bit of a superiority complex when it comes to China, and see themselves as beyond the mainland’s authoritarianism and disorder. But there is also deep, deep anxiety that this could change, that Hong Kong could lose its special status, and this week’s events have hit on those anxieties to their core.
This began in 1997, when the United Kingdom handed over Hong Kong, one of its last imperial possessions, to the Chinese government. Hong Kong had spent over 150 years under British rule; it had become a fabulously wealthy center of commerce and had enjoyed, while not full democracy, far more freedom and democracy than the rest of China. So, as part of the handover, the Chinese government in Beijing promised to let Hong Kong keep its special rights and its autonomy — a deal known as “one country, two systems.”
A big part of that deal was China’s promise that, in 2017, Hong Kong’s citizens would be allowed to democratically elect their top leader for the first time ever. That leader, known as the Hong Kong chief executive, is currently appointed by a pro-Beijing committee. In 2007, the Chinese government reaffirmed its promise to give Hong Kong this right in 2017, which in Hong Kong is referred to as universal suffrage — a sign of how much value people assign to it.
But there have been disturbing signs throughout this year that the central Chinese government might renege on its promise. In July, the Chinese government issued a “white paper” stating that it has “comprehensive jurisdiction” over Hong Kong and that “the high degree of autonomy of [Hong Kong] is not an inherent power, but one that comes solely from the authorization by the central leadership.” It sounded to many like a warning from Beijing that it could dilute or outright revoke Hong Kong’s freedoms, and tens of thousands of Hong Kong’s citizens marched in protest.
Then, in August, Beijing announced its plan for Hong Kong’s 2017 elections. While citizens would be allowed to vote for the chief executive, the candidates for the election would have to be approved by a special committee just like the pro-Beijing committee that currently appoints the chief executive. This lets Beijing hand-pick candidates for the job, which is anti-democratic in itself, but also feels to many in Hong Kong like a first step toward eroding their promised democratic rights.
team i can’t do math for shit but i can write a 3 page english paper in less than an hour